Libertarians and the Art Of Politics

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Of all the political parties, my personal sympathies lie closest to the official platform of the Libertarian Party. Nonetheless, I have never been a registered Libertarian, never sent them money, and likely never will.



The Libertarian Party, you see, is primarily interested in ideological purity. They've been hijacked by those among the most extreme of all libertarians, and have consistently taken an "all or nothing" approach to politics. If you're not for the purists ideological position, you don't belong.



This is a good way to marginalize yourself, and indeed, the Libertarian Party has done just that. Their candidates consistently run somewhere in the mid single digits. You tell each other you're "fighting the good fight" and congratulate yourself when everybody is disgusted enough with the major parties that you get 8 percent of the vote. This is a great way to keep the faithful together, but a truly awful way to move things in your direction politically. The impact on the political process of the Libertarian Party is basically zero. The majors may be aware that the Libertarians exist, but with all the libertarians off doing their own thing and no observable effect upon which of the two major parties wins, they have no reason to care.



Other groups no larger than the Libertarian Party wield an outsize political influence. For instance, the bisexual and homosexual political groups have a base that, depending upon who does the counting, runs from three to five percent of the electorate, but angering this constituency is something no politician does lightly. Why? They may be more affluent than average, but not notably so, and probably no more so than Libertarians. Well, they do give money, while libertarians are not noted for their generosity towards other parties' politicians. But mostly, because they engage the major parties. They practically own the Democrats, but they have a lot of influence in Republican circles as well. More to the point, for a long time they have worked to earn political capital from the majors. For years, they endorsed - and worked for - any candidate who was less unfriendly to their issues than their major opposition, graduating to working harder for candidates that were actually friendly, to the point now where the issue is not usually which candidate is friendly to gay issues, but which candidate is friendlier. It was a long hard slog for them, and perhaps they've abused their power a little of late, but you have to respect and admire them for what they have accomplished. They have taught politicians nationwide that "gay-bashing" is hazardous to their political ambitions, while being "gay friendly" is conducive. They may not be a major block, but given how narrow many victories are, they are a critical one, including and especially if a major party wants control of the legislature. Three points away from your opposition's candidate and towards yours might not tip every race, but it will tip enough such that if you're competitive in the first place, you'll win it. But in order to do it, you have to work with the major parties.



This is the lesson that libertarians need to learn if they want to have an effect on national policy. It may be very gratifying to a certain mindset to keep your ideals so pure that there is no chance of any actual effect upon the course of the country. But if you focus less on getting into office yourself, and more on rewarding politicians who come closer to your positions than their opposition, you wield more real power. Eight percent is a joke in an election, if that's all you get. But the difference between forty-six and fifty-four percent is the difference between going back to your old career and going to the capitol. Newly elected legislators are known to be grateful to those who put them "over the top," and to want to keep those folks on the list of people that are happy with them.



Furthermore, a lot of ordinary citizens really like moderate libertarian positions, but are profoundly uneasy with "purist" libertarians. Ronald Reagan's coalition made smaller government one of their principal planks, and it won on two of the strongest electoral margins in living memory. Decriminalizing or legalizing marijuana polls very strong numbers, but change the question to "should every currently illegal drug be legalized?" and the vast majority will turn against you. The rational, obvious thing to do is take the easy victory, and see how it works out. In a few years, it may be that the electorate will support legalizing the next echelon of currently illegal drugs, and dropping restrictions on marginal cases. This also has the advantage that if it turns out that we're wrong, we find out about it before we've got thirty million heroin junkies and fifty million cocaine addicts.



Indeed, true libertarian policies have never been tried on anything like the scale of the United States, so incremental steps in that direction is likely to be a good thing. Libertarian politics and economics and social science sure looks good on paper, but so does communism. One of the major things wrong with communism, it seems, is that it requires communists to acquire power. All the power, to where there is no opposition force with enough power to restrain them. And that following communists acquisition of power, they insisted upon an immediate and as radical shift as they could possibly manage, with the results anyone who hasn't been living in a bubble these past eighty years is all too familiar with. It didn't work, but the communist rulers would not admit it, and no one inside the system could force them to. I can hear people snorting with derision about the very notion of libertarians practicing censorship and coercion, but are you prepared to bet the future of the United States on it? Especially when there is no necessity, that's a sucker bet - a pointless risk where you could lose but can't really win because there is nothing to gain by giving any group a monopoly on power.



I see nothing in any major libertarian-backed policy that requires an "all or nothing" approach. Indeed, for most of them an experimental movement in that direction, intentionally either limited in scope or in accomplishment, would be important confirmation of libertarian theory, assuming it is successful. There is clearly not adequate evidence to presume that no further experimental proof is necessary, and that libertarian theory must be implemented in full without further error checking.



In short, I could be wrong. We could be wrong. If so, incrementalism will reveal it.



Therefore, there is no rational reason for libertarians not to engage with anybody "going their way". Small government republicans and chamber of commerce republicans on one hand, and civil rights democratic groups on the other. Whichever politician, whichever major party, is willing to give more precedence and importance to libertarian values. Work with them, do your best to help them beat their opponent. Once upon a time, libertarians wielded significant power in this way. Indeed, I happen to believe that the statist ascendancy dates from the libertarian self-destruction as a potent political force. The country could only benefit from a libertarian return to the fold of the major parties.

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1 Comments

Dan Melson said:

TF Stern chimes in with (via email, because the software didn't load the comment box)

"Furthermore, a lot of ordinary citizens really like moderate libertarian positions, but are profoundly uneasy with "purist" libertarians."


That one line covered a lot of territory. I find myself in that same quandary as I go out and vote. I tend to be more conservative than many of the libertarian bloggers I regularly visit or comment on. I still think that the libertarians are what's left of the old Republican party when they all decided to become closet Democrats.

T F Stern's Rantings

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This page contains a single entry by Dan Melson published on January 6, 2006 4:39 PM.

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